“Topos” of Frank who rowed in the Republic

In the opinion of the author of the work, Professor Gutmar Gómez (Madrid, 1975), José Ungría fulfilled his mission effectively, creation in time records a new weapon of warwith a modern intelligence, information and security service, focused on the finalization of the situation and above all the organization of the post-war period. Together with him, the new service will deal with the adjustment of bases and services on the republican side, the deepening of corruption and the division of its forces.

Propaganda and people are among the concerns of these new spies. Many of them belonged to the fifth column and lived their lives since the beginning of the war. In Madrid, they were secretly organized in the so-called Asesor Council, composed of members of the CEDA, the Catholic Action, the Falange and the traditionalists, who took care of the high workload of the city administration, in electricity, electricity and other basic services and institutions.

From these positions, manipulative actions were taken with the aim of sabotaging the functioning of the city and manipulating its political and social environment. Another result, as documented by the author of the book, was that practically the totality of the republican secret service went to work for Francoist and that high officials and soldiers in Madrid offered to bring about an end to the war.

The result of Hungary was that, in this case, the totality of the republic’s secret service began to work for the Francoists

The Republic practically had to absorb the defeat between the Battle of the Ebro, the fall of Cataluña and the occupation of Barcelona. Thus the conditions were created for the Intelligence Service of Burgos and the Council of Assor in Madrid to implement the areas that were recommended.

Similar instructions were drawn up for future surrenders. This document contained messages that were questioned in the minds of Republicans, but which were not respected at the end of the war. I mean the amnesty and evacuation of superior officers and senior management, and the delivery is to those who do not tend to fear the hands of those without blood. Dear green girl who has to keep post-war he proceeded with the Ley de Responsabilidades Políticas, which declared illegal any party that could or could exist and dejaba the entire field to the Partido Unico.

In the last month of the war, the news was dizzying and confused, especially about Casado’s coup against Negrín and the Communists. The explanation that Gómez Bravo suggests is that, in fact, it was an operation combined with the franquistas secret services and again the last internal conflict of the civil war. Abandoned by their leaders, the Communists faced the tropes of the anarchist Cipriano Mera.

The armed fighters continued until a week after the Republican Army led by officials of the Ministry of Hacienda took control of the situation. According to the book’s author, Burgos and the Council of Home Defense and Miaja worked together to investigate a story that blamed communists for the violence. But it seems so there is no indication that the computer has a prior plan of actionuntil he limited himself to reacting against the republican army.

A high point was reached between the peace in Madrid. Casado attempted a final negotiation, but Burgos did not budge from his goal of an unconditional return. He also signed a contract with the socialist Julián Besteir. Finally, I raise anxiety about the “return from within” because the agents of Hungary were working with it. The result was the introduction of the republican apparatus into the service of the new direction, and the final takeover was scheduled for the last days of March.

Since the interest of the citizens was to emphasize the position of the victors, Casado and Besteiro tried to agree that the capitulation was the result of a more or less equal negotiation. In reality, everyone thinks partially or completely, but these discussions are useful for everyone.

The transmitters and socket blasted these messages over and over until the Center’s army returned on March 28. Then the nationals entered Madrid and verified the effectiveness of the information gathered and processed by their intelligence service.

If concentration camps were set up, we continued classification of military and political prisonersand he committed himself to this policy of “re-education” and repression, which had been proposed earlier and which ran counter to the discourse of restorative peace. On April 1, the army announced that the nationals were in control of all of Spain. It was a certificate of absolute victory and total defeat.

The book ends with a ceremony at Salesas in Madrid on May 20, the day after the Desfile de la Victoria. Franco entered the lower temple, stood on the sand at Cardinal Gomá’s feet, and the choir sang Cara al Sol. At the altar, he had relics and other historical items that were immersed the old politico-confessional laces of Spainalluding to Don Pelayo or Lepanto. A Tedeum was sung and a Mozarabic ritual performance was celebrated.

For Gutmar Gómez, this cumulative liturgy symbolized the alliance between the military regime and the traditional church, the representation of the new state. In any case, as this book has attempted to demonstrate, the end of the war hastened the effect of a very modern intelligence operation. Wage war and ensure victory.