The document indicates this Alberto Núñez Feijóo Above the table, he asked for clarification of the dealings with Vox in Extremadura and Aragon and it is not a manifesto of circumstances.
It is the sharpest statement in these pages that the leadership of the People’s Party has made about why it is willing to agree, and why it is not.
Genoa’s decision to send its own representatives to each month, to introduce a “single, binding and valid text throughout Spain” and to demand that the talks first deal with policies and only with costs, corrects the mistake of previous months: they leave only their territorial leaders to face a situation which, as the blockade in Extremadura has highlighted, to complete the investiture as a herramienta de presión.
The red lines of the document are what the constitutional party should expect: national unity, division of lands, defense of state government and respect for the competent department.
But what is important is not just the listed, but rather the practical function.
At the end of the autonomous negotiation of matters that correspond to the state, Feijóo deactivates a large number of maximalist demands of Vox that are not addressed in the regional executive.
And to the fact that leaders must respect the equality of citizens “according to territory, ideology, language, sex or origin”, there is a clear line between the legitimate expansion of the agenda and the import of identity theses incompatible with PP liberalism.
The essential rector of the text (“expand electoral offers, but no contradecirlas”) requires careful reading. It’s a formula that recognizes Vox as a partner with its own proposals, but without granting it the ability to push an alternative agenda.
There is more pragmatism than generosity: I am sure that there are large spaces for convergence (based on crime, support for the camp, nuclear power, concern for the safety of citizens and the fight against delinquency and unemployment, persistence of migration policy, strengthening of primary care and mental health) who respond to real societal demands and which PP can assume without disrupting their identity.
Accepting these points is not equivalent to a blank check.
The case of extreme ecostasis above the central Almaraz is significant. PP agreed to gradually reduce the tax from 2027 to 2030, following the life of the plan; You require “certain impuestos” as an investment condition.
The distance between the two positions shows that negotiating in good faith is not the same as capitulating, and that national direction is also meant to prevent a limping territorial presence from becoming a reasonable concession.
It is best to note what electoral arithmetic warrants and what does not. In Aragón, the PP won practically twice as many votes as Vox. In Extremadura de Maria Guardiolathe distance is getting bigger.
This legitimate advantage is given to PP to ensure that energy separation is strictly proportional to results. Vox grew up, but confused the good result of the third in line with the hegemony of the first It is expejism that Feijóo does well in disipar.
It’s just about recognizing the position of María Guardiola y Jorge Azcon. Both are legitimate candidates for their respective elections.
During a week spent chanting that Vox must be replaced as a candidate, Guardiola gave the signature sign that he should not be weakened by the negotiations.
Azcón demonstrated in the presidency of Aragón the managerial ability that is legitimate to lead a coalition government without giving up his program.
The fact that Genoa responds to both with a coherent national brand is not a protection, but rather a shield against the claims of a partner who rightly fight for more than what they get votes for.
Requiring potential coalition governments to have four preconditions throughout the legislative period and establishing subsequent compensation mechanisms introduces an element of stability that Spain urgently needs.
The government does not sign the paper on the day of investiture; It means maintaining coherent executive activity for four years.
However, it would be a mistake to read this document only in extreme or Aragonese clubs. Because what Feijóo has developed is not an emergency protocol for urgent investment (Guardiola, dated March 3), down to the seedling of national growth.
If, as all the questions suggest, the next general election (predictably in 2027) will bring an absolute victory for the PP, Feijóo will need an instrument that defines the terms of the agreement with Vox on the government of Spain.
This tool exists for you. If the document is called Marco, it basically says that the Spanish right can and must govern as one, but what the rules of the game are about is which party the citizens win the mayor’s trust.
It’s just a negotiation.
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