ON memory of the journalist Rebecca Castro Villalobos,
on the fourth anniversary of his match.
The rain finally broke the asphalt. Appearance Come on, sorry (Planeta, 2026), Julio Scherer Ibarra’s book, which he co-wrote with journalist Jorge Fernández Menéndez, is not a simple political memoir; He is a witness to the ethical wreckage that ended with the breaking of the wall of the highest moral purity with which Andrés Manuel López Obrador wanted to armor his regime.
What is now being described from the gates of power is not the “fourth transformation” of public life, but rather a war of praise, where justice was a garrote and loyalty a commodity that could be exposed to the elements.
But we don’t understand: Julito’s shadow—as we know it in our periodic circle, to distinguish it from the ethical position of his father Julio Scherer García—is wide, but not new. His journey to the Law Council was the culmination of a career marked by reckless ambition and opportunism.
Although his book tells of a relationship with López Obrador that allegedly began in 1997, the reality contradicts him: in 2000 he worked for the presidential campaign of PRI President Francisco Labastido Ochoa and, for his part, tried to integrate himself into the team of the newly elected Panista President Vicente Fox Quesada (the intention was finally suppressed by Marta Saña, the father’s son) until after the elections and the alleged “fraud” in 2006.
In 2001, as director of Consorcio Azucarero Escorpión (CAZE), Scherer Ibarra saw a multimillion-dollar tax fraud on fictitious blue exports; an episode that was on the verge of being taken to prison, and which could only be stopped by his father’s intervention in front of the Foxist government. This precedent of the ability to walk the thread of the law foreshadowed his integration into the obradorist dome, from which he had a red complex of complicity.
Under the guide of the absolute search with the agent, all the red figures floated in the sea of mud. The work of Scherer Ibarra and Fernández Menéndez inevitably clashes with other witnesses who have revealed the financial and personal nature of the presidential circle. This is the case The king of cash (Grijalbo, 2022), where Elena Chávez González reconstruyó la historia secreta de tenocho años de campaña y gobierno. His testimony is a clear and crisp chronicle that highlights how great López Obrador’s love and obsession was, and how hatred and resentment fueled his rise.
Chávez González mainly documented in this context the “maliciousness” of the executive and the parallel financial scam based on political traits, personal ambitions and labor abuses, operated by the intimidation of César Yáñez. It is an indispensable piece to understanding the ADN agent and the movement that is fueled by what he is sworn to fight.
This x-ray summarizes the basic contrast it offers Traición en Palacio (Grijalbo, 2023). In his work, Hernán Gómez Bruera launches a direct and blunt accusation against his own Julio Scherer Ibarra, to whom he announces that he received a red card from his presidential office for extortion and influence peddling.
Gómez Bruera describes in detail how legal advice was used in his quest with an agent to put justice at the service of particular interests, running a structure of despachos of “favorite” abogados tied to his surroundings and judgments in a suitable manner. All this in collaboration with the former President of the Supreme Court of the Nation Arturo Zaldívar Lelo de Larrea and the owner of the dreaded UIF Santiago Nieto Castillo, who act “in force”.
Comparing the two books, the reader does not understand the truth of the complaint of the other until the shared opinion is confirmed: while Scherer Ibarra accuses Palacio of colluding with crime, Palacio accuses him of being a great blackmailer of the king.
Regardless of the truth of each other’s accusations, what these witnesses describe is an indisputable reality: systemic corruption around López Obrador. In the effective prosecution of campaigns or in the office of government, these bitter complaints are actually confessions that reveal praise: but there is an even more serious element than corruption: impunity. Given the seriousness of the trials and the witnesses of these people, it appears that all of these people enjoy institutional protections that keep them incapacitated.
The accusation against Jesús Ramírez Cuevas is accurate and dismissed. It was announced to the second presidential vote only as the person who linked the government with Morena to Sergio Carmona Angulo, the murdered “King of Huachicol”. Following legal advice, Ramírez Cuevas was the gateway to illegal advancement actions in election campaigns that destroyed the image of the woman projected by the rumor.
Expediente Carmona Angulo is the darkest of this administration; Without an embargo, there is not a single legal consequence. Impunity is a safe behavior that allows you to follow the path of justice.
After Jesús Ramírez Cuevas watched in silence, Jesús Ramírez Cuevas’s reaction was a furious reaction that finally confirmed the breakdown. Accusing Scherer Ibarra of influence peddling and blackmailing businessmen – which corresponds to Gómez Bruera’s complaint – the voice no longer confirms that crimes are being committed on the outskirts of the palace.
This exchange of mud reveals that ethics have been sacrificed on the altar of impunity. Notwithstanding this charge against this; the result is always the same: a protective cloak of power that prevents anyone from bringing complaints to the courts.
In this system of corruption, Alejandro Gertz Manero emerged as the most sinister figure in the pursuit of justice when he joined the FGR in the private staff office to prosecute political enemies… and his own cabinet comrades. While the “faithful” ones are punished, the big public hawks remain under the guise of guaranteed impunity. It seems no coincidence, of course, that the book by Scherer Ibarra and Fernández Menéndez appeared just after Gertz Manero was removed from the FGR and sent as an embroidery card before the UK.
The list of incapables extends to the agent’s deepest affections. Adán Augusto López Hernández, a tabasqueño “herman” and former government secretary, moved through lower power under the shadow of accusations of unexplained charges and alleged criminal ties to organized crime until his rise was thwarted.
Likewise, Gerardo Fernández Noroña embodied the movement’s ethical contradiction: while he preached austerity measures, the acquisition of a property worth 12 million pesos in Tepoztlán caused scandals and suspicions that were soothed by the official narrative. It is no less that his Fernández Noroña came to the public defense of Jesús Ramírez against Julito’s complaints, looking for lines around Palacio’s version and condemning himself to the council as a traitor moved by the detective.
The Segalmex case is the most successful case: during the administration of Ignacio Ovalle Fernandez, more than 15 million pesos disappeared, and instead of seeking justice, the official was rescued and protected by his president. Manuel Bartlett Díaz, Rocío Nahle García and Delfina Gómez Álvarez had the same strength of protection. I didn’t import documents about real estate deals, lopsided refinery costs, or illegal payroll deductions; loyalty to the project was the only requirement to obtain absolute forgiveness.
This festering reached the most critical point in the family nucleus, where investigations into the dealings of the agent’s children and his business friends on the Maya Train, Interoceánico and IMSS-Bienestar were systematically ignored.
In the end, what the books and complaints reveal is a total ethical wreck. Reality floods the walls of the palace and darkness rises to the light… but justice was never served. At that time he joined the rotary institutions and affirmed that honesty was not the ruling principle but rather the slogan of the campaign, while complicity and impunity became the real policy of the state. Valgame.
@fopinchetti
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