Transcendent columns give me an intellectual allergy. I see you as little scheming exercises, step spinners and food adjustments between parties competing for strength with balls on spindles. Salvador García Soto’s article last Tuesday, without embargo, began to connect me through the separate paths that academics sent with respect to people who are not usually startled by sounds. The tone wasn’t morbid. He was worried. This repetition led me to take this issue seriously: the possible appointment of Rosaura Martínez Ruiz to the UNAM Governing Council.
Get more information from my National University policy knowledge. That is why you are sending out documents about helping a professor of philosophy and literature. Only one of these signatures is listed. The signatories appear to aspire to run their own academic centre, a title that depends on the Council of Government. Chance matters. In the university, as in any large organization, incentives organize behavior and mold silence.
The debate was henceforth addressed to the academic honors of Dr. Martínez Ruiz. She was already a stranger to me, but I do not question the solidity of her career as a professor and investigator. The central issue is its incorporation into a body appointed as Chancellor and Directors, a break from the Federal Government’s Science, Humanities, Technology and Innovation Secretariat. This Secretariat defines the assumptions, sets the orientation of scientific policy, approves projects and manages the National Investigation System, which depends on the input and achievements of thousands of academics.
The Council of Government operates according to a simple rule: reserved meetings to protect autonomy and ensure decision-making without outside interference. The ESA reserve supports the independence of the university. The presence of a hija person in this body controls the recurso and stimulates it to introduce the corrosive element. Administrative power casts a shadow. The expectation of filtering or retaliation changes the atmosphere of the discussion. Academic freedom requires a free space for intimidation.
The candidacy has a precise political meaning. Any integration into the Council would amount to the establishment of a political committee at the heart of university government. The expression is unpleasant. Recent experience justifies this. After the leadership of María Elena Álvarez-Buyll at CONAHCYT, scientific policy turned into a tool of ideological alignment. If criminal charges were filed, apoyos were suspended due to political criteria, and a clear message was sent to the academic community: dissent costs something. Ese previous sigue present.
UNAM defended, with tensions and conflicts, the edge of self-government in the face of political power. The Council of Government represents the core of this architecture. Imagine in this space the office of the Secretary, who decides on the financial flows and defines the scientific policy that adjusts the balance. The problem cannot be solved in the personal integrity of the candidate. It is located in the incentive structure that went in his name.
The legal argument offers a convenient conclusion. The university regulations do not stipulate an explicit prohibition. Public ethics require more than minimal compliance with regulations. The moral authority of UNAM is disappearing from political power. Trust in their governing bodies depends on a perception of impartiality and genuine autonomy.
If the marking is successful, the previous one will be clear. The line between the state and the university has become blurred at a strategic point. The institutional captivity that you have studied in other investigative centers during the previous six months is what we have been deprived of in the last few months as a real example of contempt for university autonomy – the most striking of which is the arbitrary detention of the Autonomous University of Campania for allowing the capture of the rector in the Gobernador LaydaUN and more useful in the shadow of the channel – from the channel of the government in its decision-making body.
The concerns expressed by advisers and academics do not respond to internal rivalries. Responds to the defense of principle. UNAM brings together different politicians, different social groups and pluralistic intellectual perspectives. This patchwork requires government bodies protected from family or party influence. Perceptions of interference are eroding the Junta’s legitimacy.
The responsibility lies primarily with your doctor Martínez Ruiz. Honesty means recognizing when a legitimate aspiration becomes problematic in context. Real co-inture requires caution. His mother’s presence in front of the secretariat, which funds and regulates much of the country’s scientific activity, made his candidacy a point of conflict of interest. Voluntary renunciation overcomes doubt, preserves institutional authority, and confirms the ethical integrity its advocates ascribe to it. Staying in the situation will keep the apprehension suspect. An eventual low label would result in weakened depression. The Council of Government requires moral authority to fulfill its function. This office does not tolerate gray areas.
Mexican politics is going through a phase of ethical degradation where nepotism is normalized and the confusion between public interests and private convenience is presented as routine practice. UNAM maintains a prestige built on the defense of its autonomy. This prestige requires demanding standards. A public college cannot turn into an extension of family networks or a field of influence experimentation.
The actual episode operates on a plan of an institutional nature. The national university faces a decision that goes beyond its own names. It is about preserving the integrity of one of his superior government bodies or receiving a signal of subordination. College students observe this with concern. Autonomy is supported by concrete actions. A decade too.
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