Few realities today are less fortunate than the concept of the official version. And the citizens cannot be blamed for the preaching that led to the idea of suspicion, as it was after so many efforts and attempts at manipulation and concealment by some in power.
What is certain, however, is that the declassification of the 23-F documents did not even confirm point by point the official version regarding the 1981 coup, which had been publicly known for several decades.
Since the conspiracy mentality is basically self-inflicted, after opening the archives there was a case regarding the supposed implication of some class Juan Carlos I in the attack on congress, Conspiracy apriorism lies in the fact that many unknowns still require unraveling.
And it is certain that everything related to the 23-F civil conspiracy remains under the shadow of confidentiality. He called it a slight coup urdido por el general Armygiven that there are reasonable assumptions that Rey may consider me, at least at first, as a formula Gaullist to end Spain’s flight Suarez.
But the point is that it is not really necessary to know more about the next plot.
Since it is not important to know in detail all the teenagers involved in 23-F, until the actual impact of 23-F.
The declassification of the 23F documents must reconcile the Spanish with those who planned the coup d’état. I think it would be desirable for King Emeritus to return to Spain.
He recognized the undeniable flaws in his trajectory, but he was instrumental in supporting us…
— Alberto Núñez Feijóo (@NunezFeijoo) February 26, 2026
The lunar logic, always waiting for the big reveal, is part of this planning error: in politics, these things are often what they appear to be, and their transcendence lies precisely in this way of showing. En su appearance.
For actual effects, encoded aspects that remain in the arcana are indifferent because the core premise is clearly visible.
And the essential aspect of the 23-F coup is the meaning you were aware of.
A meaning that, although veiled, has always figured in canonical analyses: to serve as a confirmation of the authority of Juan Carlos I and to insert a new legitimacy of 1978 to the monarchy emerging with the legitimacy of 1936.
It does not matter that the king was involved in the sublevación (which is not the case, the documents will certainly be checked). Because the very one who was ordered to detain her reviewed the guarantee of constitutional order.
As the historian says Fernando Pazto thwart the crown’s intention, “Juan Carlos went from king on July 18 to king of democracy”.
And so within the dramaturgy that was specified to strengthen the hearts of the Spanish oligárquico civil pronunciation de la Spanish transactionthe song of the last and extemporaneo espadón “ended up being transformed into a bautismal pile in which the Crown processed the original sin of its French management”.
In this sense, the oppression of the 23-F yugó in the economy of the Transition was the paper to reverse the victory of the PSOE in the following year: to consolidate the exchange and give the new regime a charter of irreversibility.
What is strange is that declassification served up to 45 years: to call Juan Carlos I the savior of constitutional liberties in the context of widespread denigration of his character.
A few hours after the declassification reaffirmed the ephemeral image of Juan Carlos I as the patron of Spanish democracy, commentators and editors concluded that the need to rehabilitate the memory of the king followed, allowing him to return to Spain with honors.
🗣️ Félix Bolaños says the emeritus’ return to Spain is a decision that falls “exclusively” to him
“The government never prevented or denied her entry to Spain” pic.twitter.com/58dfRgl3Cq
— EL ESPAÑOL (@elespanolcom) February 26, 2026
The leader of the opposition agreed with the same speech: “The declassification of the 23F documents must reconcile the Spanish with those who attempted the coup d’état. I believe it would be desirable for the King Emeritus to return to Spain (…) to live the last stage of your life with dignity and in your country.”
If this is an exercise in distraction, it is in the different and more sophisticated sense of getting the public to focus on the noise surrounding 23-F and except for looking at the manifest handle.
Indeed, the very openness of the archives is essential, providing an emotional catalyst for the dynamic parties to begin to resolve the vexing problem that threatens the king’s fate in the face of the possibility of imminent failure.
To think that the initiative was limited to a “curtain of humor” is not understandable for the PSOE, since it always uses these lateral forms to promote a specific response through individual operations. In this case, when we helped find Juan Carlos, we thought that what he wanted was the exact opposite.
This does not mean that there is a pact expressed within both parties to politically push for the repatriation of retirees.
But it is still clear that this is what the PSOE was looking for, as I suggest that the government was prepared to declare that “no one has ever denied her entry to Spain” and that “the decision of the emeritus whether or not to return to Spain rests entirely with her”.
No need to give it another spin: 23-F was a farcical repetition of the tragedy of the Uprisingand declassification occurred at repeat 23-F as described.
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