Vox, from the beginnings of a small protest party that could achieve parliamentary representation by exploiting the irritation of a large segment of the sociologica derecha during the uprising in Catalonia, quickly transformed these initial signs of identity to re-position itself on the market as a force focused on the path of immigration and more generally on the rejection of the vague concept. “globalism”.
At the point of this aspect of his political discourse, the frontal opposition to the growing legal and illegal migration flows heading to our fronts represents in this case the only original content, at least the only recognizable one, of his socio-economic program.
I waited for the days when the germinal voice focused the arrows of its public narrative in search A politically decentralized statedescended from all men in the land. After all, whoever escapes these heights, to which the constant raising of their electoral expectations in the elections is exclusively subject to adopt the anti-immigration flag as a party standard.
And yet, how much of the seeming intransigence he has put in compared to the narrative is transformed into its opposite, or its very opposite, as the muses pass through the theater; This is why we set aside the visible artificial forces of agitational reality to focus on the concrete economic-political measures that the Abascals postulate to reverse these human flows.
So I agree with the alternative economic policy to the government of Pedro Sánchez, in whose plan the priority is to demotivate the phenomenon of migration, which does not appear anywhere in its program documents. On the contrary, all we know about the economic philosophy that will inspire Vox’s eventual government action is that we must slow the flow of more unskilled immigrants to Spain, It will work as a powerful machine to attract them in even greater volumes than the current ones.
In Spain, as in the rest of the developed Western world, immigration and low wages are synonymous
Because by carefully reading his economic program and its clear form, we notice that Vox will facilitate the continuity of a country model that currently advocates a desire from the world, based on low wages and growing prevalence of foreign workers in most enterprises they are associated with lower added value.
In this regard, and even more so than the grandiose palabras that always raise the wind, it shows itself as a force as objectively inclined to follow the encouragement of the influx of immigrants as Podemos, Sumar or the PSOE itself could be. Because what they advocate will lead to nothing but the same.
In Spain, just like in the rest of the developed western countries, immigration and low wages are synonymous. And yes, the relevant question of how to determine which effective position defines political power in the face of the phenomenon of migration is limited to the question of settling salaries at the bottom of the salary scale.
Because these salaries at the base of the labor income pyramid can establish the status of a direct form through SMI compulsory compensation, as is the case in Spain; you can determine this status indirectly (e.g. in the case of Switzerland, where there is no indication of the minimum wage, but where similarly in practice there is a large negotiating power attributed by law to unions in collective agreements); or ultimately they can create simple power relations in the market without the intervention of an institutional intermediary, which is quite common in lower market countries.
And above all this, the implication of public power in determining wage policy, the official position of Vox has always been characterized by a very ambiguous calculation.
Thus, Vox does not intend to openly eliminate the legal status of SMI, but in all its positions in this regard, attention must be paid to the fiscal and burdensome burden of a different type, which is borne by employees and employers.
For Abascal, the big problem of small and many small fields, the only one in fact, turns out to be the direct burden borne by beneficiaries and the costs of social issues affecting businesses. A doctrine, his, which, when it rises to the top, will be translated into a remarkable abaratamiento of the hand of unskilled labor from the point of view of the employers.
What other obvious consequence of reducing the corporate costs of unskilled labor could lead to a substantial weakening of social considerations at the expense of employers?
But it’s that you’re trying to rid the coast of trash anyway, including the connection to those very low entrances. And for his official program, he proposes to reduce the current compensation by 40% in the foreseeable future (recommended to reduce the current 33 days per year to just 20).
in summary, The cheated employees would still be much more cheated and the waste refunds would also be much more cheated. Here are two key propositions in the laborious affair of Spain’s obreros’ flamboyant new side.
I don’t know if you know this, but the reason is that the Vasco country now has a population only slightly higher than the current figure, while Catalonia has increased its income by two thousand thousand people in the same period, wages are low; one of the low wages that the traditional Tub industry, unlike the ubiquitous Catalan tourism sector, does not pay its employees. They say they continue to imitate Milea in everything; but Milei at least does not attract immigrants.
*** José García Domínguez is an economist.
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