If you treat it two intimate enemies who cannot live without each other: a Pedro Sánchez You’re better off with Vox’s popularity for its polarizing strategy, yeah Santiago Abascal Sánchez’s persistence in creating tone with the animation she creates works to her advantage.
It is evident that from the moment you commit to this part for one year, you will enter the stage of the anabolic version of the liberal right and fully develop your independence and sovereignist power if you have set the horizon to replace the PP.
In this context, it is natural that a cultural symbiosis has arisen between PSOE and Vox.
But who really seems to be engaged in climbing with Sánchez’s help is PP adept at torpedoing.
For the “oxygen balloon” Sánchez, the error was not forced Jorge Azcon in the Aragonese elections. A fallen gift from heaven, which together with the fiasco of Maria Guardiola in Extremadura, This allowed the PSOE to amortize the scale.
The president of Vox, Santiago Abascal, announced the end of the campaign and joined the candidate Alejandro Nolasco on February 6, 2026 in Zaragoza, Aragon (España).
To break the playing field in favor of PP, you have to admit that the demographic arithmetic puts him in a very difficult position, which clearly doesn’t give him a good chance when it comes to arguing with Vox.
PP first tried the distance formula represented by Via Guardiola (regionalize the campaign and highlight the shock with Abascal). He then decided on the opposite option to avoid the clash, embodied in Via Azcón (nationalizing the campaign and leading the electorate of his competitor). Both sin éxito.
The problem for Feijóo is this: there is an underlying historical tendency against which little can be done. And the apparent good health of those enjoying PP (attributed month after month by a number of probes) did not allow me to appreciate this trend properly.
Sanchism’s sustained slant has grabbed the headlines, which diminishes the reality of the fact that the PP has lost votes in the last two elections.
And so the photo of the new election cycle was covered with an insatiable clarity: We are not so much before the PSOE elections as before the twilight of bipartism.
Ignorance of this dynamic led us to naturalize the idea of it Iberian exception electoral, which is better explained with respect to continental political phenomena by the secular Spanish timestamp.
But just as the rarity of a social democratic party in the government of a European country was marked as ready to disappear, so was the anomaly of a classical centre-left party enjoying undisputed hegemony.
They point to the latest electoral movement Spain is moving towards convergence with the European political moment: anti-system humor that undermines traditional parties in favor of populists.
Before this normal process of harmonizing with the time sign, there is limited room for PP manipulation.
What can never be explained, however, is a strategy that projects weakness for free. In this sense, we are in a position where we consider the tactical decision to proceed with the autonomous elections to be a clear mistake.
The only way for the PP to adapt to the new conditions of the electoral competition is the center of gravity of Spanish politics is about to changein line with what arrojando las urns are.
That this claim was counted by more than 50% of the vote (60% in Extremadura) in an unprecedented way in a democracy is an indicator of the conservative outlook in the Spanish social mayorship, which as a result wants to give politics a conservative turn.
Don’t ask her out on PP other than hug her if she’s wrong. Judging by the willingness to make a government deal with you that Feijóo verbalized this month, it seems that Génova has exhausted himself until he has to stop thinking about the blockade.
It is certain that In a contested country, the anti-establishment side will always tend to winbecause it is in conditions where the current regime is used more lejos the desafío and enjoys more credibility to ensure that the treacherous party as part the status quo shift worker.
Therefore, the way to align with the new spirit cannot be imitated as Vox’s error at the discursive level, until some principles are internalized that form part of the new common feeling on the issues of immigration, environmental policy and security, both in Spain and in Europe.
Even among the normative elite of metropolitan liberal professionals, it is certain that the voters of the PP do not go with the wrong eyes to see that their party carries some of Vox’s demands, which recently motivated the disintegration of autonomous coalitions, without perphrasing.
In the new polyliberal order PP’s strategic strategy cannot follow the rules of the ayer world game. The electoral competition he was used to, the competition against the right, left the other political actors.
In any case, this modification can be applied to the middle square. But since the PP feels this very much, its political space is destined to disappear, if only by a generational problem.
The resistance of the sentimentally educated in the promising constitutional consensus is understandable. However, the Desmoronamiento Régimen ’78 will solve the organic crisis that broke out in 2012, which was false, only thanks to the political transformation that impressed Pedro Sánchez in the PSOE, to incorporate into a homeopathic form the grievances of populists and nationalists, which served to temporarily lull the crisis.
In the long run, it doesn’t matter much what PP he has. But it needs to be removed that at least It does not contribute to delaying political change in Spain, which remained removed from Europe for a long time.
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